This article compares the positioning behaviour of parties and reveals why one party joins a coalition, while others do not. The cases of two regionalist parties of the UK and Spain are depicted: the Scottish National Party (SNP) and Basque National Party (BNP). The study is a con-tribution to the problems of positioning behaviour of parties in decentralised systems with strong regionalist elements and incentives of regionalist parties (RPs) to enter a coalition with state-wide parties (SWPs). Based on process tracing and comparative analysis of the main regionalist parties, electoral data, public statements, and media statements we conclude that the ideological proxi mity on the economic dimension of the parties, and the territorial dimension are of key importance in evaluating the coalition potential between SWPs and the RPs. Moreover, competition at the regional level creates incentives for RPs to enter a coalition with SWPs and there is no evident support for the minority government to be disposed to enter a coalition rather than a majority gov-ernment.
As the world’s largest fossil fuels exporter, Russia is one of the key countries for addressing global climate change. However, it has never demonstrated any significant ambitions to reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. This paper applies ideational research methodology to identify the structural differences in economic, political, and social normative contexts between industrialized fossil fuel importing economies and Russia that lead to the fundamental gap in motivations driving decarbonization efforts. Russia is unlikely to replicate the approach to the green transition and climate policy instruments of energy-importing countries. In order to launch decarbonization in Russia, interested stakeholders need to frame climate policies in Russia differently. Specifically, the framing must address the priority of diversification as a means to adapting the national economy to a new green landscape, the combination of diverse channels for decarbonization, the promotion of energy-efficiency, closer attention to climate-related forest projects, and linkage of climate change with other environmental problems. Moreover, considering Russia’s emissions as a part of the global economic system and shifting from a simplistic national focus on GHG emissions reduction would help coordinate policies through dialogue between exporters and importers of fossil fuel energy-intensive goods, which is essential for the global movement towards a net-zero future.
This book analyses Russia-Europe/EU relations by exploring their practical essence and conceptualizing them in terms of the main categories of international relations research. It argues that the liberal world order, established in Cold War days, whereby international relations are underpinned by a global balance of power and a highly institutionalized framework of international relations, thereby balancing power and morality, continued after the Cold War, with high hopes in the early 1990s for a new order of security and cooperation for all Europe, including Russia. It goes on to show how the liberal world order has broken down, one manifestation of this being the new conflict between Russia and Europe in recent years, a conflict resulting from the failure of European countries/the EU to acknowledge the actual balance of military, economic and political power, the lack of limits on the policy of European countries in terms of infringing on Russia’s interests, and Russia’s consequent revision, after 1999, of its policy of co-operation. Overall, the book provides huge insight into the nature of Europe-Russia relations.
The chapter investigates the main challenges and opportunities that Russia faces in the Central Asian region vis-à-vis China
The book pivots on theme of ethno-nationalisms and "big" ideas in central Eurasia. Specifically, the it aims at examining the impact of some ideologies on the creation of national identities linked to history, culture and specific Eurasian political projects, with particular reference to the area between Eastern Europe and Central Asia. From a comparative analysis perspective, it aims to describe some particularly relevant constructs for the creation of the political imaginary of the great spaces of civilization in Eurasia and aims to understand how they have influenced - and still influence - a nationalistic and identity narrative. Each ideology wants to be presented both in its original philosophical-ideological conception and in its concrete application and historical-political evolution. Pivoting on the philosophical-cultural contrast between Iran and Turan, that is, between sedentary humanity and nomadic humanity, the research aims in particular to deepen the construction of collective identities through political narratives and ideological schemes in the Eurasian macro-region.
Inaugurated in 2016, the Three Sea Initiative (TSI) represents an international forum aimed at forging stronger bonds between countries that lie in-between the Baltic, Black and Adriatic Seas somewhat inspired by the Polish interwar Intermarium project. In 1919, the British geopolitician Halford J. Mackinder promoted a plan to create a “Middle Tier” of Central-Eastern European states to maintain Germany and Russia separated, which overlapped with the Polish idea of Intermarium. Today, the United States have welcomed warmly the TSI, viewing it as a valuable tool to foster American interests in the so-called “New Europe”. At the same time, pro-Atlanticist Central-Eastern European countries like Poland perceive the TSI as a concrete instrument to build stronger connections with the US in line with their national interests. This article suggests that the contemporary TSI could manifest a re-enactment of Mackinder’s “Middle Tier” strategy promoted by the US and its Central-Eastern European NATO partners. In the same way that the Franco-British bonds with the states of the “Middle Tier” served the purpose of contrasting Germany and Russia in the interwar period, today stronger ties between the US and the “New Europe” within the frame of the TSI could strengthen the position of NATO in Europe, rebalance the role of Western European actors in the EU and counter Russia's influence in the post-Soviet space.
Situated at the crossroads of the Silk Road, Central Asia has been an arena of international competition for centuries. Today, a “New Great Game” appears to be taking place between Russia, China and, to a lesser extent, the United States and the European Union for regional hegemony. In the last two decades, Russia and China formed an “axis of convenience”, both to counter Western influence and to thwart regional challenges; however, this has increasingly turned to rivalry in recent years, with China gradually replacing Russia as the chief power with regard to geo-economic and energy assets in some Central Asian countries. An analysis based on Power Transition Theory points to two possible future scenarios for the rivalry, namely China’s predominance or a Chinese-Russian modus vivendi based on a ‘division of labour’.
The article presents a calculation of the economic efficiency of steel trading for sellers on online platforms. A preliminary definition of the technological platform is considered. The main characteristics and advantages for sellers and buyers are listed. The effect of innovation, which is inherent in the metallurgical industry, is indicated. The steel industry is now in the era of digitalization. The demands for more efficient and sustainable production processes are constantly growing. There is a need to facilitate the unhindered flow of financial resources, increase the ability of financial services to the real economy, improve institutional mechanisms and introduce innovations in financial products and services directly for the real economy. An important factor is the promotion of innovation and development of the industry, providing users with additional opportunities and services, as well as the sharing of resources and mutually beneficial cooperation.
The article attempts to reveal if it is possible to make a differentiated analysis of the global dimension of populism by systematizing foreign (mainly) and domestic studies. This allowed us to correlate the theoretical and comparative developments of research on populism, on the one hand, and the relevant, traditional problem areas of the international relations theory. This approach helped us to demonstrate both the existing and potential possibilities for a differentiated analysis of the global aspects of populism. The scientific novelty of the article lies in determining the possibilities of the academic field for the analysis of the foreign policy effects of populism. As a result of the study, the author concluded that the foreign policy positions and policies of populists derive from domestic politics and their opposition to traditional elites. Structural pressure (pressure of the international environment) and the adoption of the rules of the game after coming to power, even if the anti-elite discourse is maintained, make attempts to typify and classify populist foreign policy positions extremely complex and often unproductive
The article examines aspects of China's growing involvement in global humanitarian governance system. On the one hand, during the Xi Jinping era, China's stance on the humanitarian agenda has become more proactive, including an increase in aid volume, the initiation of institutional changes in the system of coordination and distribution, and a greater focus at the planning level. On the other hand, China is making more active use of multilateral platforms: it works more closely with the UN agencies with a humanitarian mandate and The International Committee of the Red Cross as well as develops its own initiatives. At the same time, these steps still do not enable China to have a comparable level of influence on the humanitarian sphere as that of traditional donors. Compared to traditional donors, China's material input is relatively small. The specificity of China's humanitarian aid, in particular its provision upon request and close to development assistance - has both positive and negative effects. Thus, greater flexibility is accompanied by unpredictability and an ambiguous image of China as a humanitarian donor respectively.
It is concluded that China makes key efforts at the level of rhetoric, using the narrative of South-South cooperation to build an image of a reliable partner within the international community and to strengthen the negotiating position to promote its own ideas within the framework of the established system. The basis of China's strategy may be characterized with the phrase "learning by watching". It puts emphasis not on the establishment of alternative institutions as opposed to the existing system, but on the adoption of experience and the soft integration of own initiatives.
The article is devoted to the analysis of the perception of European integration and the regional policy of the European Union (EU) among the citizens of modern Spain. Particular attention is paid to the comparison of periods before the COVID-19 pandemic (2019) and after it (October 2021). The purpose of this paper is to identify the opinion of Spanish society on the EU regional policy. The first part of the article presents the analytical framework of the study. The second part describes its methodology. The third part analyzes the opinion polls in Spain, conducted by Eurobarometer. According to the Eurobarometer database, on the one hand, the author notes despite the pandemic, citizens positively assess the impact of the European Union bodies on their everyday life. On the other hand, the pandemic has shown that the states are key actors in the EU decision-making process. The initiative to shape the development of the EU's regional policy still belongs to the Member States, but not to the regions and/or supranational bodies. The scientific significance of the article is that the results of Eurobarometer public opinion polls are generalized. This is the first time when this approach has been used in the study of this topic.
The COVID-19 pandemic has caused a severe economic and political crisis in many countries around the world. For the European Union, as the most developed integration unit, the damage was profound. Moreover, the failure to provide a coordinated policy at the initial pandemic stage raised the question of the advisability of the existence of the Union as such. Nevertheless, EU countries and institutions have managed to overcome many contradictions and formulate common responses, some of them were unprecedented both in nature and funding. This article aims to identify the main elements of the EU policy to combat and overcome the current crisis. At the same time, the EU network of regional trade agreements (RTAs) is considered as an important element of anti-crisis policy in trade in goods, and the quarterly dynamics of EU trade with RTA partners and third countries is also analyzed. The results demonstrate that European institutions use the pandemic to catalyze profound transformations of the EU economy. Main directions are digitalization and «green economy». At the same time, the RTA network should be considered as an autonomous EU anti-crisis tool, since trade with RTA partners recovered to pre-crisis (2018) levels much faster than with other countries.