Hay marcada diferencia entre las regiones de España en las preferencias de sus habitantes en la organización territorial del Estado: - un Estado con un único Gobierno central sin autonomías, - un Estado con menor o mayor autonomía que en la actualidad, - o el que se reconociese a las comunidades autónomas la posibilidad de convertirse en los Estados independientes. Estos sentimentos y attitudes son muy politizados y la busqueda de identidades es uno de los aspectos de la turbulencia politica.
Historically, the central principles of international peacekeeping have been formulated by western powers due to their political and ideological domination in international institutions, including the United Nations (UN) family. It is only recently that emerging powers, among them Russia and China, have started to formulate their own policies of peacekeeping and to implement them in practice. While the general objectives of peacekeeping as understood by western nations and emerging powers are similar, there are differences of emphasis. Recent developments in Syria and the active involvement of Russia in these events have underscored the nuanced views these two approaches hold on peacekeeping in general and on outside involvement in peacekeeping operations.
For the United States and many European countries, the goal of peacekeeping and conflict resolution is to protect individual rights and freedoms and to accomplish a “democratic transition” by replacing authoritarian regimes with liberal-democratic alternatives. For Russia as well as many other emerging powers, the goal of conflict resolution and peacekeeping is to preserve and strengthen the local state structures so that they can support law and order on their territory and stabilize the situation in the country and the region. The western approach assumes that donor countries know better what to do with regard to local problems, while a “rising powers” approach is far less dogmatic and recognizes the right of actors to make mistakes along the way.
This article focuses on Russia’s approaches to peacekeeping as they are defined theoretically and practicall
Facing the profound transformations generated by the forthcoming Fourth Industrial Revolution, the Socialist Republic of Vietnam (SRV) may not turn out to be among its beneficiaries. The research question of this paper is why Vietnam’s system of higher education is not able to effectively respond to the challenges resulting from the disruptive technologies. While selective aspects of this problem have been captured by K. Schwab, G. Sheridan, D. Taglioni, M. Hayden, S. Ryazantsev, N. Kuznetsov, Huynh Phu, Le Thi Kim Anh, Nguyen Hong Minh and other researchers, a cutting-edge study focusing on the ability of Vietnam’s education system to timely and comprehensively respond to the upcoming transformations has been absent thus far. The academic novelty of this paper is its analytical prism linking the identification of the presumed repercussions of the Fourth Industrial Revolution upon Vietnam with the readiness of the SRV’s system of higher education to make use of them to the country’s greatest advantage. The approach to the research question represents the synergy of qualitative and quantitative methods. The study is founded on primary sources and includes materials published by the SRV’s Ministry of Planning and Investment, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the SRV, Vietnam’s higher education institutions, speeches and interviews with Vietnamese government officials, and statistical data. The principal findings of the study represent the identification of the potential of Vietnam’s higher education system to meet the challenges stemming from the Fourth Industrial Revolution, while taking into account its accumulated shortcomings and the present preparedness to be involved in the worldwide digital teaching and learning environment.
The article distinguishes the specificity of the US policy towards the South China Sea issue in relations with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) through the prism of enhancing ASEAN’s role as a “driving force” of multilateral security dialogue in the Asia-Pacific region. The outlines of the American approach to the issue during and after the Cold War are drawn, the influence of the Chinese-American contradictions upon ASEAN’s policy is identified, the consequences of the US reaction on the verdict of the Permanent Court of Arbitration for ASEAN’s role as a “driving force” of the Asia-Pacific multilateral dialogue frameworks are examined, the repercussions of the project of the Indo-Pacific region and its current institutional frame — the Quadrilateral Defense Cooperation — for the further evolution of the South China Sea issue in the USASEAN dialogue are presented. Scenarios of the future evolution of ASEAN unity on the South China Sea issue through the lens of the Quad’s further development, prospects for the ASEAN countries to join this format and China’s counter-measures are considered. The findings of the article reveal that in the practical realm the strengthening of ASEAN unity and its positions as a driving force of the Asia Pacific multilateral security dialogue platforms with the focus on the South China Sea issue has never been a priority task for Washington
The paper focuses on the main factors underling the structural transformation of Chinese model of socio-economic development – slowdown in economic growth, expansion of domestic consumption, increasing role of services, technological development and changes in regional value chains. Analysis of factors serves as a base for the assessment of changes in volume and structure of Chinese demand in the context of Chinese-Russian trade and economic relations.
The Paris Agreement on Climate Change reflects the consensus of the world community on transition to low-carbon development. Greenhouse gas emissions reduction is closely intertwined with various national objectives, such as strengthening energy security, technological development, and many others. Transition to low-carbon development is a new reality of world energy, which brings significant risks for those who stay away from these trends.
In the world there is a rapid growth of interest in environmental issues. It brings to Russia both opportunities and risks. First connected with the country's exceptional wealth of natural capital, the value of which in time it only increases. The second - with a high level of contamination on a significant part of the country and passive environmental policies. Russia's participation in international environmental cooperation has always reflected the low priority of environmental issues on the domestic agenda and was subordinated primarily to the solution of foreign policy tasks. However, at present, among the political and business elites of Russia, the awareness of the importance of environmental issues is increasing, and as a result, in the near future Russia may become more involved in international environmental initiatives.