The article opens with a brief overview of the provisions of the Treaty on the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) establishing the general principles and rules of competition. It further presents a detailed analysis of the main features and characteristics of the EAEU competition law. Among the issues discussed in this article is the direct effect and direct applicability of the general rules of competition, the relation between EAEU and national competition law provisions as well as the division of competence between the Eurasian Economic Commission and national competition authorities. The relevant features and provisions of EAEU competition law, such as the notion of 'coordination of economic activity' are analysed through the prism of the EAEU Court's advisory opinions. The authors also use a comparative approach drawing parallels and underlining the differences with EU law and the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU). Finally, the authors also examine the mechanisms of judicial protection available under EAEU law to economic entities in the field of competition law.
This book analyzes the state of global governance in the current geopolitical environment. It evaluates the main challenges and discusses potential opportunities for compromise in international cooperation. The book’s analysis is based on the universal criteria of global political stability and the UN framework of sustainable development. By examining various global problems, including global economic inequality, legal and political aspects of access to resources, international trade, and climate change, as well as the attendant global economic and political confrontations between key global actors, the book identifies a growing crisis and the pressing need to transform the current system of global governance. In turn, it discusses various instruments, measures and international regulation mechanisms that can foster international cooperation in order to overcome global problems.
Addressing a broad range of topics, e.g. the international environmental regime, global financial problems, issues in connection with the energy transition, and the role of BRICS countries in global governance, the book will appeal to scholars in international relations, economics and law, as well as policy-makers in government offices and international organizations
Since its establishment in 2015 the Court of the Eurasian Economic Union (the 'Court') has been largely seen as a mechanism for resolving disputes between governments or for interpreting the law of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) in abstracto via its advisory opinions. As a result, its potential has been largely underutilized by economic entities despite a liberal locus standi and the possibility to challenge the validity of both individual acts (for instance, in the field of EAEU competition law) and regulatory acts of general application adopted by the Eurasian Economic Commission (EEC), including antidumping measures or even technical regulations. This article aims to discuss how the EAEU Court may help private actors to protect their rights and legitimate interests under EAEU law. It examines the different types of actions available to economic entities, the admissibility criteria and the consequences of the Court's judgements. As the analysis of the EAEU Court's case-law shows, the action for failure to act is of particular importance as it may be used by private entities as an indirect mechanism to enhance Member States' compliance with their obligations under EAEU law. Finally, the authors also address the issue of the sources of law that private actors could rely upon.
The USA is in the midst of a very difficult and protracted revision of its place in the international system. Its role as a global leader, a major pillar of international security and centre of the global economic and political order is unsustainable and is increasingly rejected from both outside and within. Adapting to this new role will not be linear and will develop at different paces in different regions. In the middle term, it will proceed with a harsh and prolonged confrontation with Russia and China as well as with a substantial increase in the US foreign policy unilateralism. The latter will fluctuate from administration to administration, but the common denominator will be a less multilateralist and benign approach than that in the Obama era. Because the USA remains the most powerful player militarily, and diplomatically, retains the dominant position in global finance and has been the centrepiece of the prevailing global governance system for decades, both the international order and global governance will suffer negative consequences until the USA completes its transition to new modalities of participation in the international system. Only when the USA finally accepts rules for equal relations with the other poles can a new international order and a new pattern of global governance emerge.
Economic growth in developing economies and the transition of large population groups to the middle class lead to a surge in energy consumption and hence in greenhouse gas emissions. The solution to such issues as poverty and inequality comes therefore into conflict with climate change mitigation. The existing international climate change regime does not address this contradiction. The existing international system of climate regulation does not address this contradiction. Today, the global climate governance relies on the estimates of aggregate emissions of countries not considering the level of development and the distribution of emissions among income groups within each country. Emissions from production are being monitored, while consumption-related emissions, albeit known be experts, rarely underlie decision-making. Meanwhile, income distribution has a higher impact on consumption-based emissions in comparison to the production-based ones. Decisions on the emission regulation are made at the national level by countries with different development agendas where the climate change mitigation often gets less priority in comparison to other socio-economic objectives.
The paper proposes a set of principles and specific mechanisms that can link both climate change and inequality within a single policy framework. Firstly, we highlight the importance of modification of the global emission monitoring system for the sake of accounting for emissions from consumption (rather than production) by income groups. Secondly, we suggest the introduction of a new redistribution system to address climate change including a "fine" imposed on households with the highest levels of emissions. Such a system follows the principles of progressive taxation but underlies climate mitigation objectives and can rather be treated not as taxation of high incomes but as payment for negative externality. Thirdly, we outline the need for adjustment of climate finance criteria: priority should be given to projects aimed at 1) reducing the carbon intensity of consumption of the social groups entering the middle class, and 2) at adaptation of the poorest population groups to the climate change. The special role in the implementation of these principles may belong to BRICS countries which could use it as a chance for proactive transition to the inclusive low-carbon development.
The main aim of this article is to analyze the role of conservatism in the political development of the right-wing populism on the material of the UK case. The ideational approach to the right-wing populism, emphasizing the ideological closeness of the Conservative Party and the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) as the British version of the European right-wing populism, allows us to focus on their interactions. On the one hand, conservatism has emerged as an ideological and programmatic resource for the UKIP through the use of the Eurosceptic and anti-immigrant rhetoric, populism, and “playing the referendum card” on the “European issue” in the parties’ competition process. This combination is reflected during the UKIP’s evolution from the Eurosceptic “single-issue” to the right-populist party, while conservatism, trying to move to the center of the political spectrum, has lost its monopolistic position on the right flank of British politics. On the other hand, the reaction of conservatism in response to the establishment of the UKIP as a third force in British politics was expressed in the implementation of the main programmatic element of UKIP - a referendum on the membership in the EU, which led to the disorientation of the UKIP and the loss of its conceptual basis. The main findings are: (1) dominance of the traditionalist or modernizing line in the Conservative Party determines the limits of possibilities of the right-wing populism; (2) the role of conservatism in the political development of right-wing populism is dual. On the one hand, right-wing populism uses the ideological and programmatic practices of conservatives, on the other hand, it loses its conceptual basis and electoral support when conservatism implements the main elements of its program.
The forecast covers the period up to 2035. It describes dynamic trends that will shape the future of the world during the nearest 20 years. The aim of this study is to foresee the challenges awaiting the world and the forthcoming opportunities which can be used in the interests of the Russian state, ensuring its role as an active participant in the formation of the future world order. The book presents a general analysis of the main trends of world development, its spiritual culture, ideology, politics, innovation, economy, social sphere and interna tional security, the problems of globalization and regionalism. The final section of the book presents strategic recommendations for Russia. Prospective readers of this book include staff members of government institutions and management bodies, research, expert and business communities. It also may be recommended for student scholars of international affairs.
Since around 2017-2018, the world has been living through a period of progressive erosion, or collapse, of international orders inherited from the past. With the election of Donald Trump and the rapid increase of US containment of Russia and China—which is both a consequence of this gradual erosion and also represents deep internal and international contradictions—this process entered its apogee. A period of collapse opens up possibilities for the creation of a new world order; hopefully, a fairer, stable, and peaceful order than has been previously experienced. Russia has a good chance of influencing the formation a new order.
The present article examines a recent advisory opinion handed down by the Eurasian Economic Union Court. In the remarkably bold decision, the Court continued to push for the construction of a veritable EAEU internal market. It managed, within one advisory opinion, to further the coherence of its internal market law reasoning, expand on the principles of direct effect and primacy as well as the horizontal effect of fundamental freedoms in EAEU law, provide important definitions in EAEU law, strengthen the authority of the Commission and its decisions and emphasize the duty of loyal cooperation of Member States for the full effectiveness and successful implementation of EAEU law. As only criticism, one may deplore the EAEU Court’s lack of effort to start building a coherent jurisprudence by means of referring to its own case law.
Russia, India and China are paying more and more attention to international security issues. They have developed a broad common security agenda via cooperation through two international institutions created by them. BRICS serve as a mechanism for promoting their economic security interests, SCO is focused on traditional security issues. Along with forming a common position on main international security problems, Russia, India and China act as great powers and disagree on certain security matters mostly of regional and bilateral nature. Cooperation prevails in their foreign strategies, but they are unlikely to create a strong military-political alliance.
This article examines the preconditions and reasons for interaction between BRICS countries in the fields of science, research and university education. It analyzes the particular ways in which the member countries develop and coordinate their positions in these areas. It also reviews and evaluates the practical experience gained from cooperating on scientific and technological research and innovation (STRI), and the functioning of the BRICS Network University, and considers the prospects for further joint work in these areas.
The European Union’s development vector will largely depend on Germany, the engine of the European economy and integration. Europe in general and Germany in particular are at a crossroads. Strained relations with the United States, the migration crisis, the rise of populism, climate change, and China’s economic boom push relations with Russia into the background. How do young Germans see the future of Europe and their own country? To answer this question, it is essential to take a look at the entire spectrum of political trends in Germany and to analyze which of them evoke the greatest response from the younger generation.
Despite its traditionally reserved relations with other regions of the world and even its backwardness, the Balkan region has become visibly more dynamic in the last decade. This has been made possible by a combination of several factors: The growing transit value of the region, the crisis of the European Union (both internally and regionally) and thus the intensification of latent competition between different international forces. In addition, the territorial scope of the Balkans is also changing. Greece, for example, with its long membership in NATO, has been actively involved in recent years in the infrastructure of the Western Balkans (development of Corridor X and other routes) and in economic interdependence (Greek-Albanian and GreekSerbian relations). The extent of Greece's participation in the Macedonian question clearly shows its direct link with the region. Hungary and Romania should not be left aside either: Both are certainly linked to the Balkans from the point of view of logistics, ethno political problems and economic interests. As a result, the "current version of the Balkans" in my opinion may include 7 to 11 states – Slovenia, Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, North Macedonia, the "Republic of Kosovo", Albania, Greece, Bulgaria and Romania.
As the digitalization becomes the key factor to raise the competitiveness of companies, as well as of the investment attractiveness of recipient countries, the Socialist Republic of Vietnam (SRV) may find it difficult to benefit from this process. The research question is why Vietnam, in spite of successful efforts to increase its investment attractiveness, may miss opportunities presented by the emerging digital business environment. The academic novelty of the paper account for the reveal of the repercussions generated by the global trend towards the digitalization of businesses for Vietnam. The approach to the research question is based upon general academic methods like observation, study of documents and comparison. The primary sources of the paper, a significant part of which is published in the Vietnamese language, include the statistics of Ministry of Finance of Vietnam, Ministry of planning and investment of Vietnam, interviews with the SRV’s government officials, as well as the UNCTAD and the World Bank reports. The principal findings of the study reveal that while Vietnam has succeeded in strengthening its attractiveness as an investment destination, the country still possesses insufficient resources to respond to the forthcoming global digitalization of businesses and incentivize companies to continue investing in the SRV. In this connection, a set of recommendations on how to rectify maters is presented by the authors.
This article examines the evolution of Russia’s policy towards BRICS from the time of its formation as a group of four countries in 2006 to the present. The authors analyse the main political objectives that guided Moscow in initiating the creation of this format and in developing it in subse- quent years. The article argues that, with Russia as a participant, the character of the organization has undergone major changes, due both to the changing inter- national situation and fundamental changes that the foreign policy of Russia itself has undergone since 2014.