Country Report Russian section
Hay marcada diferencia entre las regiones de España en las preferencias de sus habitantes en la organización territorial del Estado: - un Estado con un único Gobierno central sin autonomías, - un Estado con menor o mayor autonomía que en la actualidad, - o el que se reconociese a las comunidades autónomas la posibilidad de convertirse en los Estados independientes. Estos sentimentos y attitudes son muy politizados y la busqueda de identidades es uno de los aspectos de la turbulencia politica.
Eurasia has never been one of major directions of Japan’s foreign policy, but its importance for Tokyo is growing. This article analyzes its increasing significance to foreign policy of Japan, causes and consequences of this policy’s duality and inconsistency. It also studies the reasons for the limited success of Tokyo’s diplomacy in Eurasia and discusses possible prospects for growing Japanese involvement in the region. It concludes that Japan’s Eurasian policy is inconsistent and is likely to remain so since the cause behind it remains unchanged – that is, the contradiction between Japan’s actual economic interests and its willingness to follow in the ideological and geopolitical footsteps of the U.S. The path Japan takes in the future will largely depend on the economic results of the implementation of the Silk Road Economic Belt, its linkage with the plans of the Eurasian Economic Union, the progress of Russian–Chinese cooperation, and the project of Greater Eurasian partnership put forward by Russia and supported by China. If the economic projects of Eurasia’s non-Western players prove effective, Tokyo will be more tempted to cooperate with them despite its close ties with the U.S. However, if Eurasia’s non-Western states, and particularly China, are overly active with their foreign policy and militaries in the Asia Pacific, it will push Tokyo to create a variety of structures that would curb and serve as a political counterbalance to Chinese and Russian influence.
The United States (US) and Russia are among the main contributors to Climate Change (as the 2nd and 4th largest emitters of greenhouse gases worldwide, accordingly), and have vast territories impacted environmentally and economically by this scientific and social phenomenon. The northern territories of both countries are especially vulnerable. In this article, we focus on coastal erosion and permafrost degradation, two Climate Change indicators that impact both Russia and the US, and for which the consequences will be disastrous without sufficient adaptation measures. We highlight the importance of cooperation across borders at the inter-regional level, considering the ambiguity of both American and Russian federal climate policies. The paper is divided as follows: (1) background on the science of Climate Change, permafrost thaw, coastal erosion, and the community impacts of permafrost degradation and coastal erosion in Alaska and Russia; (2) an overview of existing relocation and adaptation efforts for relevant communities and infrastructure in both countries; (3) a proposal of subnational cooperation between the US and Russia as a promising avenue for bilateral cooperation on these shared challenges, with a focus on the potential for cooperation between the regions of Tyumen, Alaska, and California.
Historically, the central principles of international peacekeeping have been formulated by western powers due to their political and ideological domination in international institutions, including the United Nations (UN) family. It is only recently that emerging powers, among them Russia and China, have started to formulate their own policies of peacekeeping and to implement them in practice. While the general objectives of peacekeeping as understood by western nations and emerging powers are similar, there are differences of emphasis. Recent developments in Syria and the active involvement of Russia in these events have underscored the nuanced views these two approaches hold on peacekeeping in general and on outside involvement in peacekeeping operations.
For the United States and many European countries, the goal of peacekeeping and conflict resolution is to protect individual rights and freedoms and to accomplish a “democratic transition” by replacing authoritarian regimes with liberal-democratic alternatives. For Russia as well as many other emerging powers, the goal of conflict resolution and peacekeeping is to preserve and strengthen the local state structures so that they can support law and order on their territory and stabilize the situation in the country and the region. The western approach assumes that donor countries know better what to do with regard to local problems, while a “rising powers” approach is far less dogmatic and recognizes the right of actors to make mistakes along the way.
This article focuses on Russia’s approaches to peacekeeping as they are defined theoretically and practicall
This article examines the first years of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) through the prism of the Eurasian Economic Union Court’s jurisprudence and draws parallels with the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union. The EAEU Court has taken first steps in establishing an autonomous legal order, but also in linking it with international law. It has interpreted the relevant law to create a system of legal remedies and started in the interpretive construction of a common market. We conclude that some differences to EU law are due to the institutional context. At the same time, the EAEU Court has deliberately taken some decisions to establish its own balance between autonomy and openness of the legal order it is called to interpret and simultaneously create.
Since 2015 Eurasian Economic Commission has become a key agent of Russian external trade policy, Conjunction policy with Belt and Road Initiative and has been responsible for all current FTZ negotiations and in a future – on wider frames of international cooperation that involves economic agenda. However because of a short track list of Commission’s activity, this field is not very well studied both in Russia and abroad. This article analyzes current international tracks between Commission and Asian countries and attempts to study other formats of cooperation with Asian actors where Commission can be involved in the future according to its mandate. Our study reveals that bilateral track remains dominant between EAEU and Asian partners and a switch to multilateral tracks like EAEU-ASEAN or EAEU-RCEP can occur only in a mid-term future. Both the analysis of open negotiations and Commission’s organizational resources prove this hypothesis.
The article focuses on the main factors underlying the structural transformation of China’s economic model under Xi Jinping and its implications for Sino-Russian economic cooperation and Russian merchandise exports. Russian exports to China are analyzed in the context of major changes in the volume and structure of China's aggregate demand. The results show that the rebalancing of the Chinese economy would bring some risks to Russia in the short and medium terms through putting downward pressure on its exports of natural resources (except for natural gas). At the same time it would open new opportunities for industries producing resource-intensive consumer goods and, therefore, gives Russia an opportunity for diversification of its economy in the longer term. In order to derive benefits from China’s transformation, Russia should shift the focus of its export policy from negotiating politically driven large projects towards more intensive promotion of consumer goods exports.
Facing the profound transformations generated by the forthcoming Fourth Industrial Revolution, the Socialist Republic of Vietnam (SRV) may not turn out to be among its beneficiaries. The research question of this paper is why Vietnam’s system of higher education is not able to effectively respond to the challenges resulting from the disruptive technologies. While selective aspects of this problem have been captured by K. Schwab, G. Sheridan, D. Taglioni, M. Hayden, S. Ryazantsev, N. Kuznetsov, Huynh Phu, Le Thi Kim Anh, Nguyen Hong Minh and other researchers, a cutting-edge study focusing on the ability of Vietnam’s education system to timely and comprehensively respond to the upcoming transformations has been absent thus far. The academic novelty of this paper is its analytical prism linking the identification of the presumed repercussions of the Fourth Industrial Revolution upon Vietnam with the readiness of the SRV’s system of higher education to make use of them to the country’s greatest advantage. The approach to the research question represents the synergy of qualitative and quantitative methods. The study is founded on primary sources and includes materials published by the SRV’s Ministry of Planning and Investment, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the SRV, Vietnam’s higher education institutions, speeches and interviews with Vietnamese government officials, and statistical data. The principal findings of the study represent the identification of the potential of Vietnam’s higher education system to meet the challenges stemming from the Fourth Industrial Revolution, while taking into account its accumulated shortcomings and the present preparedness to be involved in the worldwide digital teaching and learning environment.
The article distinguishes the specificity of the US policy towards the South China Sea issue in relations with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) through the prism of enhancing ASEAN’s role as a “driving force” of multilateral security dialogue in the Asia-Pacific region. The outlines of the American approach to the issue during and after the Cold War are drawn, the influence of the Chinese-American contradictions upon ASEAN’s policy is identified, the consequences of the US reaction on the verdict of the Permanent Court of Arbitration for ASEAN’s role as a “driving force” of the Asia-Pacific multilateral dialogue frameworks are examined, the repercussions of the project of the Indo-Pacific region and its current institutional frame — the Quadrilateral Defense Cooperation — for the further evolution of the South China Sea issue in the USASEAN dialogue are presented. Scenarios of the future evolution of ASEAN unity on the South China Sea issue through the lens of the Quad’s further development, prospects for the ASEAN countries to join this format and China’s counter-measures are considered. The findings of the article reveal that in the practical realm the strengthening of ASEAN unity and its positions as a driving force of the Asia Pacific multilateral security dialogue platforms with the focus on the South China Sea issue has never been a priority task for Washington
This article is devoted to the analysis of the growing importance of the Eurasian direction in Japan's foreign policy, the causes and consequences of the duality and inconsistency of this policy, the infl uence of internal political reasons on Japan's alignment with its policy towards the Central Asian states. The process of building up a new system of Japan’s foreign policy behavior in Central Asia in this case has developed in a reactive as opposed to a proactive manner. Eurasian direction of Japan’s diplomacy demanded a serious revision because by the new project «One Belt, One Road», which is an unprecedented regional initiative of Beijing – the primary foreign policy opponent for Tokyo. The regional agenda of Tokyo is also infl uenced by the new approaches of Donald Trump’s administration to the multilateral cooperation’s forms. Tokyo’s attempts to pursue its relations with the Central Asian states as a whole region and the Japan’s experience of using the dialogue «Central Asia plus Japan» as a promising model for the cooperation between non-regional actors and its Central Asia’s partners, are also of interest. In addition, the article deals with the preconditions for coordinating actions in the Eurasian direction between Japan and its friendly states, including Turkey and India, and the process of diversifying the economic partners of the Central Asian region as a whole. Since the reasons for the interest of the Central Asian states in the implementation of economic and other forms of cooperation with Tokyo have not lost their relevance, Russia could be of signifi cant value to Tokyo.
The paper focuses on the main factors underling the structural transformation of Chinese model of socio-economic development – slowdown in economic growth, expansion of domestic consumption, increasing role of services, technological development and changes in regional value chains. Analysis of factors serves as a base for the assessment of changes in volume and structure of Chinese demand in the context of Chinese-Russian trade and economic relations.
The Paris Agreement on Climate Change reflects the consensus of the world community on transition to low-carbon development. Greenhouse gas emissions reduction is closely intertwined with various national objectives, such as strengthening energy security, technological development, and many others. Transition to low-carbon development is a new reality of world energy, which brings significant risks for those who stay away from these trends.